1. 在历史急剧转变的关头，往往连先进的政党也会在相当的一段时间内不能理解新的局势而复旧的口号，这些口号在昨天是正确的，但在今天已经失去任何意义。列宁

1. At a time of rapid historical transformation, even advanced parties often cannot understand the new situation for a considerable period of time and revert to outdated slogans that were correct yesterday but have lost any meaning today. — Lenin

2. 一般青年的任务，尤其是共产主义青年团及其他一切组织的任务，可以用一句话来表示，就是要学习。列宁

2. The task of the general youth, especially that of the Communist Youth League and all other organizations, can be summed up in one sentence: to learn. - Lenin

3. 我们一定要给自己提出这样的任务：第一，学习，第二是学习，第三还是学习。列宁

3. We must definitely set ourselves such a task: first, study, secondly, study, and thirdly, still study. — Lenin

4. 劳动者的组织性、纪律性、坚毅精神以及同全世界劳动者的团结一致，是取得最后胜利的保证。列宁?>

4. The organization, discipline, tenacity, and unity of the workers with their fellow workers all over the world are the guarantees of ultimate victory. — Lenin

5. 道德能帮助人类社会升到更高的水平，使人类社会摆脱劳动剥削制。列宁

5. Morality can help the human society to rise to a higher level and free the human society from the exploitation of labor. — Lenin

6. 只有当全体居民都参加管理工作时，才能彻底进行反官僚主义的斗争，才能完全战胜官僚主义。列宁

6. Only when all the residents participate in the management work can the struggle against bureaucracy be thoroughly carried out, and only then can bureaucracy be completely overcome. - Lenin

7. 历史早已证明，伟大的**斗争会造就伟大人物，使过去不可能发挥的天才发挥出来。列宁

7. History has long proven that great struggles will foster great individuals, enabling talents that were previously impossible to be brought into play. - Lenin

8. 贫农特别吃没有文化的亏，特别需要受教育。列宁

8. The poor peasants suffer particularly from their lack of education and are especially in need of education. - Lenin

9. 我们不需要死读硬记，我们需要用基本的知识来发展和增进每个学习者的思考力。列宁

9. We do not need to memorize things by rote; we need to use basic knowledge to develop and enhance the thinking ability of each learner. - Lenin

10. 党的任务是对所有国家机关的工作进行总的领导，而不是像目前那样进行过分频繁的，往往是对细节的干涉。列宁

10. The task of the Party is to exercise overall leadership over the work of all state organs, rather than the overly frequent interference, often in the details, as is currently the case. — Lenin

11. 真正建立共产主义社会的任务正是要由青年担负。列宁

11. The task of truly establishing a communist society is precisely the responsibility of the youth. - Lenin

12. 只要千百万劳动者团结得象一个人一样，跟随本阶级的优秀人物前进，胜利也就有了保证。列宁

12. As long as the hundreds of millions of workers are united as one person and follow the outstanding individuals of their class forward, victory is guaranteed. — Lenin

13. 没有抽象的真理，真理总是具体的。列宁

13. There is no abstract truth; truth is always concrete. - Lenin

14. 只要愿意学习，就一定能够学会。列宁

14. As long as one is willing to learn, one is sure to be able to learn. - Lenin

15. 科学的宗旨就是提供宇宙的真正写真。列宁

15. The purpose of science is to provide a true portrayal of the universe. - Lenin

16. 浪费别人的时间等于是谋财害命，浪费自己的时间等于是慢性**。列宁

16. Wasting others' time is equivalent to murder for profit, and wasting one's own time is akin to chronic **. - Lenin

17. 学习，学习，再学习！学，然后知不足。列宁

17. Learn, learn, and learn again! Learn, and then you will know your shortcomings. — Lenin

18. 友谊建立在同志中，巩固在真挚上，发展在批评里，断送在奉承中。列宁

18. Friendship is built among comrades, consolidated in sincerity, developed in criticism, and destroyed in flattery. — Lenin

19. 赢得了时间就是赢得了一切。列宁

19. Winning time is winning everything. - Lenin

20. 必须有勇气正视无情的真理。列宁

20. There must be the courage to face the relentless truth. - Lenin

21. 不用相当的独立功夫，不论在哪个严重的问题上都不能找出真理；谁怕用功夫，谁就无法找到真理。列宁

21. Without sufficient independent effort, it is impossible to discover the truth on any serious issue; whoever fears to make an effort cannot find the truth. – Lenin

22. 要成就一件大事业，必须从小事做起。列宁

22. To accomplish a great undertaking, one must start with small things. — Lenin

23. 谁不会休息，谁就不会工作。列宁

23. Who does not know how to rest will not know how to work. — Lenin

24. 欺骗的友谊是痛苦的创伤，虚伪的同情是锐利的毒箭。列宁

24. Friendship that is deceitful is a painful wound, false sympathy is a sharp poisoned arrow. — Lenin

25. 只要在多走一小步，仿佛是向同一方向迈的一小步，真理变会变成错误。列宁

25. "As soon as one takes one more step, it seems just a small step in the same direction, truth can turn into error." - Lenin

26. 在任何学校里，最重要的是课程的思想**方向，这完全由教学人员来决定。列宁

26. The most important thing in any school is the **ideological direction of the curriculum, which is entirely determined by the teaching staff**. - Lenin

27. 《列夫·托尔斯泰是俄国革命的镜子》 《列宁论托尔

27. "Leo Tolstoy as a Mirror of the Russian Revolution" "Lenin on Tolstoy"

28. 斯泰》一组论文中的第一篇。列宁在文中首先提出

28. The first paper in the series "On Marxism," by Stalin. Lenin first proposed in the text.

29. 一个马克思主义文艺批评的重要原则：“如果我们看到的

29. An important principle of Marxist literary and artistic criticism: "If we see that...

30. 是一位真正伟大的艺术家，那么他就一定会在自己的作

30. If he is truly a great artist, then he must surely excel in his own creations.

31. 品中至少反映出革命的某些本质的方面。”接着，列宁“从

31. The product at least reflects some essential aspects of the revolution." Then, Lenin went on to...

32. 俄国革命的性质、革命的动力这个观点”，分析了托尔斯

32. "On the nature of the Russian Revolution and the revolutionary forces," this view analyzes Tolstoy's...

33. 泰世界观和作品中的矛盾，并深刻揭示了这种矛盾的根

33. The contradictions in the Tai world view and its works, and profoundly reveals the root of these contradictions.

34. 源，指出这些矛盾“是19世纪最后三十几年俄国实际生活

34. Source points out that these contradictions "are the actual life in Russia in the last thirty years of the 19th century."

35. 所处的矛盾条件的表现”，是俄国宗法制农民两面性的反

35. The manifestation of the contradictory conditions under which they exist is the dual nature of the Russian patriarchal peasantry.

36. 映。“昨天刚从农奴制度下解放出来的宗法式农村，简直

36. Yìng. "The feudal rural areas that were just liberated from serfdom yesterday are simply...

37. 在遭受资本和国库的洗劫。”在这种情况下，农民既要求

37. Subjected to the looting of capital and the treasury." In this situation, the farmers are both demanding...

38. 铲除农奴制残余，又抗议资本主义。托尔斯泰对专制制度

38. Eradicate the remnants of serfdom and protest against capitalism. Tolstoy's attitude towards autocracy.

39. 的抨击，对资本主义的抗议，对官方教会的揭露，对土地

39. Criticism, protest against capitalism, exposure of the official church, and land...

40. 私有制的批判，都反映了农民的民主主义要求。但是俄国

40. Criticisms of private ownership all reflect the democratic demands of the peasantry. However, in Russia...

41. 大部分农民不能正确认识革命的性质、任务、前途和方

41. Most farmers cannot correctly understand the nature, tasks, prospects, and methods of the revolution.

42. 法，他们只是“哭泣、祈祷、空谈和梦想，写请愿书和派请

42. Law, they merely "cry, pray, indulge in idle talk and dream, write petitions and send envoys."

43. 愿代表”。托尔斯泰的“不以暴力抗恶”、“道德自我完善”

43. "May they be representatives." Tolstoy's "not resisting evil with violence," "moral self-improvement."

44. 的说教和空想“社会主义”等，都反映了农民“幻想的不成

44. The didacticism and the utopian "socialism" and the like all reflect the peasantry's "unrealistic dreams."

45. 熟、政治素养的缺乏和革命的软弱性”。由于托尔斯泰表

45. Maturity, the lack of political acumen, and the softness of the revolution." Due to Tolstoy's expression...

46. 现了“俄国千百万农民在俄国资产阶级革命快到来的时

46. Revealed the "tens of millions of Russian farmers at the brink of the Russian bourgeois revolution."

47. 候的思想和情绪”，所以“他的全部观点，总的说来，恰恰

47. The thoughts and emotions of waiting," so "his entire perspective, on the whole, is exactly opposite to that."

48. 表现了我国革命是农民资产阶级革命的特点”。正是在这

48. "Exhibited the characteristics of China's revolution being a peasant-bourgeois revolution." It is precisely in this way...

49. 个意义上，列宁称托尔斯泰为“俄国革命的镜子”。最后，

49. In this sense, Lenin referred to Tolstoy as the "mirror of the Russian Revolution." Finally,

50. 列宁指出俄国农民思想的局限，是造成1905年革命失败

50. Lenin pointed out that the limitations of the Russian peasants' thoughts were a cause of the failure of the 1905 Revolution.

51. 的“极重要的原因”。随着革命的发展，农民群众会在阶级

51. "extremely important reasons." As the revolution develops, the rural masses will gather in the class struggle.

52. 斗争的实践中逐步克服托尔斯泰式的旧思想，成长为无

52. In the practice of struggle, gradually overcoming the old thoughts in the Tolstoyan style, growing into a person without...

53. 产阶级思想所武装起来的新战士。本文用历史唯物主义

53. Armed with the ideology of the proletariat, the new soldiers. This article uses historical materialism

54. 观点从文艺同社会经济变革的联系，从作家同革命运动

54. The connection between literature and social-economic transformation, and the relationship between writers and the revolutionary movement.

55. 的联系来研究和分析托尔斯泰的世界观和创作，阐明了

55. The study and analysis of Tolstoy's world view and creative work through the connection with the above-mentioned factors elucidated...

56. 如何评价托尔斯泰观点中的矛盾的方法和原则，为我们

56. How to evaluate the contradictory methods and principles in Tolstoy's views for us?

57. 用马克思主义批判继承古典文化遗产，树立了光辉的典

57. By employing Marxist criticism to inherit the classical cultural heritage, it has established a glorious precedent.

58. 作者列宁/中共中央马克思、恩格斯、列宁、斯大林著作编译局编译

58. Author: Lenin / Compilation Bureau of the CPC Central Committee for the Compilation of the Works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin

59. 把这位伟大艺术家的名字同他显然不理解、显然避开的革命联系在一起，初看起来，会觉得奇怪和勉强。分明不能正确反映现象的东西，怎么能叫作镜子呢？然而我国的革命是一个非常复杂的现象；在直接进行革命、参加革命的群众当中，各社会阶层的许多人也显然不理解正在发生的事情，也避开了事变进程向他们提出的真正具有历史意义的任务。如果我们看到的是一位真正伟大的艺术家，那么他在自己的作品中至少会反映出革命的某些本质的方面。

59. To associate the name of this great artist with the revolution, which he seemingly does not understand and clearly avoids, at first glance, may seem strange and forced. How can something that does not correctly reflect the phenomenon be called a mirror? However, our revolution is a very complex phenomenon; among the masses directly engaged in the revolution and participating in it, many people from various social strata also seemingly do not understand what is happening and avoid the truly historically significant tasks that the course of events presents to them. If we are looking at a truly great artist, then at least in his works, he should reflect certain essential aspects of the revolution.

60. 俄国的合法报刊登满了祝贺托尔斯泰80寿辰的文章、书信和简讯，可是很少注意从俄国革命的性质、革命的动力这个角度去分析他的作品。所有这些报刊都充满了伪善，简直令人作呕。有官方的和自由派的两种伪善。前一种是卖身投靠的无耻文人露骨的伪善，他们昨天还奉命攻击列托尔斯泰，今天却奉命在托尔斯泰身上寻找爱国主义，力求在欧洲面前遵守礼节。这班无耻文人写了文章有赏钱，这是人人都知道的；他们欺骗不了任何人。自由派的伪善则巧妙得多，因而也有害得多、危险得多。请听《言语报》的那些立宪民主党的巴拉莱金之流吧。他们对托尔斯泰的同情是最充分和最热烈的了。其实，有关这位“伟大的寻神派”的那种装腔作势的言论和冠冕堂皇的空谈不过是十足的虚伪，因为俄国的自由派既不相信托尔斯泰的上帝，也不赞成托尔斯泰对现行制度的批判。他们攀附这个极有声望的名字，是为了增加自己的政治资本，是为了扮演全国反对派领袖的角色。他们极力用吵吵嚷嚷的空谈来淹没人们要求对下列问题作直截了当答复的呼声：“托尔斯泰主义”的显著矛盾是由什么造成的，这些矛盾表现了我国革命中的哪些缺陷和弱点？

60. The legitimate press in Russia was filled with congratulatory articles, letters, and brief messages for Tolstoy's 80th birthday, but there was little attention paid to analyzing his works from the perspective of the nature of the Russian Revolution and the revolutionary forces. All these newspapers were filled with hypocrisy, which was almost nauseating. There were two types of hypocrisy: the official and the liberal. The former was the brazen hypocrisy of shameless writers who had sold their souls, who had been ordered to attack Leo Tolstoy yesterday and were now ordered to find patriotism in Tolstoy and strive to be polite in front of Europe. It was known to everyone that these shameless writers were paid for their articles; they could not deceive anyone. The liberal hypocrisy was much more cunning, and therefore much more harmful and dangerous. Listen to the likes of Balalaykin from the "Speech" newspaper. Their sympathy for Tolstoy was the most full and the most fervent. In fact, the pompous talk and highfalutin empty talk about this "Great Seeker of God" was nothing but sheer hypocrisy, because the Russian liberals did not believe in Tolstoy's God and did not approve of Tolstoy's criticism of the existing system. They attached themselves to this highly esteemed name to increase their political capital and to play the role of the leader of the national opposition. They tried to drown out the calls for straightforward answers to the following questions with noisy empty talk: What caused the significant contradictions of "Tolstoyanism," and what defects and weaknesses in our revolution do these contradictions reveal?

61. 托尔斯泰的作品、观点、学说、学派中的矛盾的确是显著的。一方面，是一个天才的艺术家，不仅创作了无与伦比的俄国生活的图画，而且创作了世界文学中第一流的作品；另一方面，是一个发狂地信仰基督的地主。一方面，他对社会上的撒谎和虚伪提出了非常有力的、直率的、真诚的抗议；另一方面，是一个“托尔斯泰主义者”，即一个颓唐的、歇斯底里的可怜虫，所谓俄国的知识分子，这种人当众拍着胸脯说：“我卑鄙，我下流，可是我在进行道德上的自我修身；我再也不吃肉了，我现在只吃米粉饼子。”一方面，无情地批判了资本主义的剥削，揭露了政府的暴虐以及法庭和国家管理机关的滑稽剧，暴露了财富的增加和文明的成就同工人群众的穷困、野蛮和痛苦的加剧之间极其深刻的矛盾；另一方面，疯狂地鼓吹“不”用暴力“抵抗邪恶”。一方面，是最清醒的现实主义，撕下了一切假面具；另一方面，鼓吹世界上最卑鄙龌龊的东西之一，即宗教，力求让有道德信念的神父代替有官职的神父，这就是说，培养一种最精巧的因而是特别恶劣的僧侣主义。真可以说：

61. The contradictions in Tolstoy's works, views, doctrines, and schools are indeed significant. On one hand, he is a genius artist, who not only created unparalleled portraits of Russian life but also produced some of the finest works in world literature. On the other hand, he is a landowner who fanatically believes in Christ. On one hand, he made a very forceful, straightforward, and sincere protest against lying and hypocrisy in society; on the other hand, he is a "Tolstoyan," a wretched and hysteric creature, so-called Russian intellectuals, who in public pat themselves on the chest and say: "I am despicable and low, but I am engaged in moral self-cultivation; I no longer eat meat, now I only eat rice cakes." On one hand, he mercilessly criticized the exploitation of capitalism, exposed the tyranny of the government, and the absurdity of the judiciary and state administrative agencies, and revealed the profound contradictions between the increase in wealth and the achievements of civilization and the exacerbation of poverty, barbarism, and suffering among the working class. On the other hand, he enthusiastically advocated "resistance to evil without violence." On one hand, he is the most清醒 realist, tearing off all masks; on the other hand, he promotes one of the most despicable and dirty things in the world, religion, trying to replace the officials with priests who have moral beliefs, that is, to cultivate the most cunning and thus especially evil monkishness. It can truly be said:

62. 托尔斯泰处在这样的矛盾中，绝对不能理解工人运动和工人运动在争取社会主义的斗争中所起的作用，而且也绝对不能理解俄国的革命，这是不言而喻的。但是托尔斯泰的观点和学说中的矛盾并不是偶然的，而是19世纪最后30多年俄国实际生活所处的矛盾条件的表现。昨天刚从农奴制度下解放出来的宗法式的农村，简直在遭受资本和国库的洗劫。农民经济和农民生活的旧基础，那些确实保持了许多世纪的旧基础，正在异常迅速地遭到破坏。对托尔斯泰观点中的矛盾，不应该从现代工人运动和现代社会主义的角度去评价（这样评价当然是必要的，然而是不够的），而应该从那种对正在兴起的资本主义的抗议，对群众破产和丧失土地的抗议（俄国有宗法式的农村，就一定会有这种抗议）的角度去评价。作为一个发明救世新术的先知，托尔斯泰是可笑的，所以国内外的那些偏偏想把他学说中最弱的一面变成一种教义的“托尔斯泰主义者”是十分可怜的。作为俄国千百万农民在俄国资产阶级革命快要到来的时候的思想和情绪的表现者，托尔斯泰是伟大的。托尔斯泰富于独创性，因为他的全部观点，总的说来，恰恰表现了我国革命是农民资产阶级革命的特点。从这个角度来看，托尔斯泰观点中的矛盾，的确是一面反映农民在我国革命中的历史活动所处的矛盾条件的镜子。一方面，几百年来农奴制的压迫和改革以后几十年来的加速破产，积下了无数的仇恨、愤怒和生死搏斗的决心。要求彻底铲除官办的教会，打倒地主和地主政府，消灭一切旧的土地占有形式和占有制度，清扫土地，建立一种自由平等的小农的社会生活来代替警察式的阶级国家，——这种愿望象一根红线贯穿着农民在我国革命中的每一个历史步骤，而且毫无疑问，托尔斯泰作品的思想内容，与其说符合于抽象的“基督教无政府主义”（这有时被人们看作是他的观点“体系”），不如说更符合于农民的这种愿望。

62. Tolstoy, caught in such contradictions, could never understand the role of the workers' movement and its role in the struggle for socialism, nor could he understand the Russian Revolution, which is self-evident. However, the contradictions in Tolstoy's views and doctrines were not accidental, but rather the manifestation of the contradictions of actual life in Russia in the last thirty years of the 19th century. The patriarchal rural society that was just freed from serfdom yesterday was being looted by capital and the state treasury. The old foundations of the peasant economy and life, those that had indeed been maintained for centuries, were being destroyed at an unprecedented rate. The contradictions in Tolstoy's views should not be evaluated from the perspective of modern workers' movement and modern socialism (though this evaluation is certainly necessary, but insufficient), but rather from the perspective of the protests against the emerging capitalism, against the bankruptcy and land loss of the masses (since Russia had patriarchal rural society, there would inevitably be such protests). As a prophet who invented a new method of salvation, Tolstoy is laughable, which is why those who, both domestically and internationally, want to turn the weakest aspect of his doctrine into a doctrine of "Tolstoyans" are pitiful. As an exponent of the thoughts and emotions of millions of Russian peasants at a time when the Russian bourgeois revolution was about to arrive, Tolstoy was great. Tolstoy was original because, in general, his entire view precisely reflected the characteristics of our revolution as a peasant bourgeois revolution. From this perspective, the contradictions in Tolstoy's views indeed serve as a mirror reflecting the contradictory conditions under which the peasants carried out their historical activities in our revolution. On the one hand, for hundreds of years, the oppression of serfdom and the accelerated bankruptcy for several decades after the reforms accumulated countless hatreds, anger, and the determination to fight to the death. The demand to completely eliminate the state church, to overthrow the landlords and their government, to eliminate all forms and systems of old land ownership, to clear the land, and to establish a free and equal social life for small peasants to replace the police state, this desire runs through every historical step of the peasants in our revolution, and undoubtedly, the ideological content of Tolstoy's works is more in line with the peasants' wishes than with the abstract "Christian anarchism" (which is sometimes considered to be his "system of views"), which is to say, it is more in line with the peasants' aspirations.

63. 另一方面，追求新的社会生活方式的农民，是用很不自觉的、宗法式的、宗教狂的态度来看待下列问题的：这种社会生活应当是什么样子，要进行什么样的斗争才能给自己争得自由，在这个斗争中他们能有什么样的领导者，资产阶级和资产阶级知识分子对于农民革命的利益采取什么样的态度，为什么要消灭地主土地占有制就必须用暴力推翻沙皇政权？农民过去的全部生活教会他们憎恨老爷和官吏，但是没有教会而且也不可能教会他们到什么地方去寻找所有这些问题的答案。在我国革命中，有一小部分农民是真正进行过斗争的，并且也为了这个目的多少组织起来了；有极小一部分人曾经拿起武器来打击自己的敌人，消灭沙皇的奴仆和地主的庇护者。大部分农民则是哭泣、祈祷、空谈和梦想，写请愿书和派“请愿代表”。这真是完全符合列夫尼古拉耶维奇托尔斯泰的精神！在这种情况下总是有这种事情的，象托尔斯泰那样不问政治，象托尔斯泰那样逃避政治，对政治不感兴趣，对政治不理解，结果只有少数农民跟着觉悟的革命的无产阶级走，大多数农民则成了无原则的、卑躬屈节的资产阶级知识分子的俘虏，而这些被称为立宪民主党人的知识分子，从劳动派的集会中出来跑到斯托雷平的前厅哀告央求，讨价还价，促使讲和，答应调解，最后还是被士兵的皮靴踢了出来。托尔斯泰的思想是我国农民起义的弱点和缺陷的一面镜子，是宗法式农村的软弱和“善于经营的农夫”迟钝胆小的反映。

63. On the other hand, farmers pursuing a new social way of life view the following issues in a very unconscious, patriarchal, and religiously fanatical manner: what should this social life be like, what kind of struggle must be undertaken to gain freedom, what kind of leaders they can have in this struggle, what attitude do the bourgeoisie and the bourgeois intellectuals take towards the interests of the peasant revolution, and why must the tsarist regime be overthrown by force in order to abolish the land ownership system of the landlords? The farmer's entire past life has taught them to hate the landlords and officials, but it has not taught, nor could it possibly teach, them where to find the answers to all these questions. In our revolution, only a small number of farmers actually fought and were somewhat organized for this purpose; an extremely small number of people took up arms to fight against their enemies, to eliminate the tsar's lackeys and the protectors of the landlords. The majority of farmers were crying, praying, talking in vain, and dreaming, writing petitions and sending "petition representatives." This truly aligns with the spirit of Leo Nikolayevich Tolstoy! In such situations, there is always this kind of thing, like Tolstoy who was uninterested in politics, who shunned politics, had no interest in it, and did not understand it. As a result, only a few farmers followed the awakened revolutionary proletariat, while the majority became the captives of the unprincipled, servile bourgeois intellectuals, known as the Constitutional Democrats. These intellectuals, after leaving laborers' meetings, ran to the antechamber of Stolypin to beg and beg, haggle, promote reconciliation, promise mediation, and ultimately were kicked out by the soldiers' boots. The thoughts of Tolstoy serve as a mirror to the weaknesses and deficiencies of the peasant uprising in our country, reflecting the weakness of the patriarchal countryside and the timidity and cowardice of the "enterprising farmer."

64. 就拿1905—1906年的士兵起义来说吧。我国革命中的这些战士的社会成分是农民和无产阶级兼而有之。无产阶级占少数；因

64. Let's take the soldier uprising in 1905-1906 as an example. The social composition of these soldiers in our revolution includes both farmers and the proletariat. The proletariat constitutes a minority; because of

65. 此军队中的运动，丝毫没有表现出象那些只要一挥手就马上会成为社会民主党人的无产阶级所表现出来的那种全国团结一致的精神和党性觉悟。另一方面，认为士兵起义失败的原因是缺乏军官的领导，这种见解是再错误没有了。相反，从民意党[118]时期以来，革命的巨大进步正好表现在：拿起武器来反对上司的，是那些以自己的独立精神使自由派地主和自由派军官丧魂落魄的“灰色畜生”[119]。士兵对农民的事情非常同情；只要一提起土地，他们的眼睛就会发亮。军队中的权力不止一次落到了士兵群众的手里，但是他们几乎没有坚决地利用这种权力；士兵们动摇不定；过了几天甚至几个小时，在他们杀了某个可恨的军官之后，就把其余拘禁起来的军官释放了，同当局进行谈判，然后站着让人枪毙，躺下让人鞭笞，重新套上枷锁，——这一切都完全符合列夫尼古拉耶维奇托尔斯泰的精神！

65. The movement within this army shows no spirit of national unity and party consciousness that is characteristic of the proletariat, who would immediately become Social Democrats at a mere wave of the hand. On the other hand, the view that the failure of the soldiers' uprising was due to the lack of leadership from officers is utterly mistaken. On the contrary, since the period of the People's Will [118], the great progress of the revolution has been manifested precisely in the fact that it was those "grey beasts" [119] who were haunted by their independent spirit, the liberal landlords and liberal officers, who took up arms against their superiors. The soldiers were deeply sympathetic to the plight of the peasants; whenever the topic of land was mentioned, their eyes would light up. Power within the army had not once fallen into the hands of the soldiers, but they had hardly made determined use of this power; the soldiers were indecisive. After a few days or even hours, having killed some detestable officer, they would release the rest of the officers who were imprisoned, negotiate with the authorities, then stand and be shot at, lie down and be whipped, and be shackled again — all of which perfectly conforms to the spirit of Lev Nikolayevich Tolstoy!

66. 托尔斯泰反映了强烈的仇恨、已经成熟的对美好生活的向往和摆脱过去的愿望，同时也反映了耽于幻想、缺乏政治素养、革命意志不坚定这种不成熟性。历史条件和经济条件既说明发生群众革命斗争的必然性，也说明他们缺乏斗争的准备，象托尔斯泰那样对邪恶不抵抗；而这种不抵抗是第一次革命运动失败的极重要的原因。

66. Tolstoy reflected a strong hatred, a mature longing for a good life, and a desire to break away from the past, while also reflecting the immaturity of indulging in daydreams, lacking political awareness, and being undetermined in revolutionary will. The historical conditions and economic conditions not only explain the inevitability of mass revolutionary struggles but also show their lack of preparation for the struggle, similar to Tolstoy's non-resistance to evil; and this non-resistance was a very important reason for the failure of the first revolutionary movement.

67. 常言道：战败的军队会很好地学习。当然，把革命阶级比作军队，只有在极有限的意义上是正确的。资本主义的发展每时每刻都在改变和加强那些推动千百万农民进行革命民主主义斗争的条件，这些农民由于仇恨地主－农奴主和他们的政府而团结起来了。就是在农民中间，交换的增长、市场统治和货币权力的加强，也正在一步一步排除宗法式的旧东西和宗法式的托尔斯泰思想。但是，最初几年的革命和最初几次群众革命斗争的失败，毫无疑问得到了一种收获，即群众以前那种软弱性和散漫性遭受了致命的打击。分界线更加清楚了。各阶级、各政党彼此划清了界限。在斯托雷平教训的敲打下，在革命社会民主党人坚持不渝的鼓动下，不仅从社会主义无产阶级中，甚至从民主主义的农民群众中，也必然会涌现出锻炼得愈来愈好、能够愈来愈少重犯我国托尔斯泰主义历史罪过的战士！

67. As is commonly said: a defeated army learns well. Of course, likening the revolutionary class to an army is only correct in a very limited sense. The development of capitalism is constantly changing and strengthening the conditions that drive millions of farmers to wage revolutionary democratic struggles, as these farmers have united against the landlords-nobles and their governments. Even among the farmers, the growth of exchanges, the dominance of the market, and the strengthening of the power of money are gradually excluding the old patriarchal ways and the patriarchal thought of Tolstoy. However, without a doubt, the failures of the revolution in the first few years and the first few mass revolutionary struggles have yielded a harvest, which is that the previous weakness and disorganization of the masses have been struck a fatal blow. The boundaries have become clearer. The classes and parties have drawn distinct lines between themselves. Under the blows of the斯托雷平 lesson and the unwavering agitation of the revolutionary social democrats, it is inevitable that warriors, who have become more and more well-trained and capable of committing fewer and fewer of our country's historical sins of Tolstoyism, will emerge not only from the socialist proletariat but also from the democratic masses of farmers!

68. 这两者区别可就大了 改良”与“改良主义”决不能混为一谈 “改革”和“改良”是同义词，而“改良”与“改良主义”则是两个截然不同的概念。 改良是相对于革命而言的。列宁指出：“从马克思主义观点来看，革命究竟是什么意思呢？这就是用暴力打碎陈旧的政治上层建筑，即打碎那由于和新的生产关系发生矛盾而到一定的时机就要瓦解的上层建筑。”（《列宁选集》第1卷，第616页）“革命是一种最基本最根本地摧毁旧事物的改造，而不是审慎地、缓慢地、逐渐地来改造旧事物，尽可能少加以破坏。”（《列宁选集》第4卷，第575页）这也就是说，革命是一个阶级推翻另一个阶级的统治的暴烈的行动。而改良则是统治阶级在保持其统治的条件下，对被统治者所做出的局部的、点滴的让步。“改良行动通常是缓慢地、审慎地、逐渐地前进”（《列宁选集》第4卷，第576页）。斯大林也说：“由于从下面来的压力、群众的压力，资产阶级有时候可以实行某些局部的改良，而依然保存现行的社会经济制度的基础。他们在这样行动时，认为这些让步是为保存自己的阶级统治所必需的。改良的实质就在这里。革命则表示政权从一个阶级转移到另一个阶级。因此，任何改良都不能叫做革命。”（《斯大林选集》下卷，第366页）无需多加解释，革命导师已经把什么是改良讲得十分清楚了。 改良主义则是相对于马克思主义而言的。它具有特定的阶级实质和时代特征。改良主义是十九世纪后期，在资本主义高度发达和工人运动迅速发展的情况下产生的，是资产阶级用来反对社会主义革命的反动思潮。正如列宁在《俄国社会民主主义运动中的改良主义》一文中所说：“社会主义（按此指科学社会主义的思想体系，亦即马克思主义）成长了，在整个文明世界已经保住了生存的权利，它现在是为争取政权而斗争了；而资产阶级日益腐朽，看到自己必然要灭亡，于是就竭力用不彻底的虚伪的让步来延缓这种灭亡，以求在新的条件下能保持住自己的政权。”（《列宁选集》第2卷，第403页）这时的资产阶级“不是用自由主义来反对社会主义，而是用改良主义来反对社会主义革命”。他们的口号就是：“用改良来反对革命，用局部修缮行将灭亡的制度来反对用革命推翻资产阶级政权，以分化和削弱工人阶级，保持资产阶级的政权。”（同上）这个口号清楚地表明了改良主义的阶级实质。由于资产阶级思想的影响，在工人运动中也不断出现改良主义这一修正主义的流派。列宁在《马克思主义和改良主义》一文中说：在工人运动中，“改良主义实际上就是拒绝马克思主义，用资产阶级的‘社会政策’来代替它。”（《列宁全集》第19卷，第375页）改良主义者竭力用小恩小惠来分化和欺骗工人，使他们不去进行推翻资产阶级统治的斗争。他们象修正主义头子伯恩施坦鼓吹“最终目的是微不足道的，运动就是一切”一样，认为改良就是一切，最终目的是微不足道的。二十世纪初期，俄国的自由资产阶级和社会民主党内的取消派，就是这样的改良主义派别。可见，我们决不能把任何条件下的任何的改良统统称之为改良主义。 另外，改良与改良主义在同革命的关系上，也具有根本的区别。改良和革命虽然是对立的，但是两者之间并没有一条不可逾越的鸿沟，在一定条件下是可以互相转化的。列宁在论述改良同革命的关系时指出：“无产阶级取得胜利以前，改良是革命的阶级斗争的副产品。取得胜利以后，如果取得胜利的国家经过极度紧张的斗争，其实力显然不够用革命手段来实行某种过渡，那末改良（在国际范围内仍然是‘副产品’）还是一种必要的合理的喘息时机。”（《列宁选集》第4卷，第581页）列宁又说：“改革的概念，无疑是同革命的概念相对立的；忘记这个对立，忘记划分两种概念的界线，就会经常在一切历史问题的推断上犯最严重的错误。但是，这个对立不是绝对的，这个界线不是一条死的界线，而是一条活的、可变动的界线，要善于在每一个具体场合确定这个界线。”（《列宁全集》第17卷，第97—98页）改良与革命之所以能够互相转化，因为它们都是人类社会向前发展的运动形式。改良虽然是局部的、缓慢的、逐渐的，但却是前进的，而不是倒退，因而是进步的，值得肯定的。改良并不排斥革命。在革命胜利之前，它往往是走向革命的一个步骤，是革命的预兆和先声；在革命胜利以后，它又往往是革命的一种必要的合理的喘息时机。而改良主义从一开始就是作为马克思主义的对立物而出现的，是资产阶级用来顶替社会主义革命的。列宁指出：“改良主义是资产阶级对工人的欺骗”，“改良主义，即使是完全真诚的改良主义，实际上都成了资产阶级腐蚀和削弱工人的工具。”（《列宁全集》第19卷，第372页）改良主义“只承认改良，而否认革命”（《列宁选集》第2卷，第406页），“用改良来反对革命”，它毫无进步意义可言，是完全反动的。改良主义是革命的绊脚石。只有战胜改良主义等资产阶级的影响和思潮，无产阶级革命才能取得胜利。 正因为改良与改良主义之间有着本质的区别，所以马克思主义对它们的态度也就迥然不同。马克思主义主张革命，但并不笼统地反对改良。它认为，在革命条件尚未成熟之时，应当尽可能地争取和利用改良，以此为革命作准备；当革命高潮到来之时，就要毫不犹豫地不失时机地把争取改良的斗争转变为革命，以推翻资产阶级的反动统治，夺取社会主义革命的胜利。俄国的马克思主义者就是这样做的：在无产阶级革命胜利之前，“不论在宣传、鼓动或经济上的群众活动等等方面，马克思主义者都在不倦地进行工作，从不放过任何一个改良和利用改良的‘机会’，同时，他们不但不否认而且还支持和注意发展任何一种超出改良主义范围的做法。”（《列宁全集》第19卷，第374—375页）特别值得注意的是，在俄国无产阶级取得政权之后，他们还利用改良发展经济，建设社会主义。著名的“新经济政策”就是一个明证。对改良主义，马克思主义历来采取严厉批判的态度。列宁和俄国的马克思主义者就同改良主义进行了长期的、不调和的斗争。 改良与改良主义是不能混同的两码事，这和经验与经验主义是不能混同的两码事有着极大的相似之处。经验本身并不是一件坏事，“认识开始于经验”（《毛泽东选集》合订本第279页），“一切真知都是从直接经验发源的”（同上，第276页），经验越多越好。而经验主义是有害的，但它的错误则在于以个人的狭隘的感性经验为满足，拒绝把它上升为理论，而把局部经验误认为即是普遍真理，轻视革命理论的指导作用。“四人帮”把这有着根本区别的两码事故意混同起来，大肆叫嚷所谓“反对经验主义”，胡说经验越多越反动，借此打击广大具有丰富经验的老干部。他们在逻辑上玩弄的就是偷换概念、混淆是非的诡计。同样，也决不能把改良与改良主义混同起来。如果把一切“改良”都斥之为“改良主义”，那就否定了无产阶级争取和利用改良的斗争，否定了历史上改良运动的进步性。这种极左的观点，对革命显然是有害的。 通过以上种种不难看出，改良与改良主义完全是两个截然不同的概念，如果把它们混为一谈，不但在理论上十分荒谬，而且在实践上极为有害。 弄清了改革、改良和改良主义的科学涵义，在研究戊戌变法、王安石变法一类历史事件时，就比较容易看出，把它们称之为“改良主义运动”是不恰当的。戊戌变法虽然不主张推翻封建地主阶级的清朝政权，但它代表资产阶级的要求，企图通过自上而下的政治和经济的改良，发展资本主义，最后变封建社会为资本主义社会。这就超出了改良主义的范围。而且，在历史条件、阶级实质等方面也是和改良主义有明显区别的。所以应该把戊戌变法称为资产阶级的改良运动。 王安石变法与改良主义在时代特征、阶级实质方面的区别，更是不言而喻的。北宋时期的中国封建社会只能说刚刚开始向其后期过渡，还远远没有出现资本主义萌芽，没有出现新的生产关系和阶级力量，因而没有也不可能发生摧毁封建经济结构的社会革命，没有也不可能产生关于社会革命的系统的学说和理论。在这种历史条件下，是不可能产生改良主义思潮的。当时，王安石代表地主阶级的革新势力，实行一系列改良措施，调整封建生产关系中不适应生产力发展的某些环节，缓和社会和阶级矛盾，以富国强兵，稳固北宋王朝的统治，这是有进步意义的，应该肯定的。由此可见，王安石变法与改良主义没有丝毫共同之处，应该说它是一场地主阶级的改良运动。有的同志虽然承认王安石变法所实行的改良措施的进步意义，可是最后却得出结论说：“从阶级斗争的历史看，从革命与改良这一对立的范畴看，王安石走的是改良主义道路，这次改革之具有改良主义性质，是无任何疑义的。”我们认为，从阶级斗争的历史看，从革命与改良的关系来看，应该说王安石变法是农民反对地主阶级的革命的阶级斗争的副产品，具有改良的性质，才是无任何疑义的。这些同志所以从中得出王安石变法“具有改良主义性质”的结论，显然是忽视了改良与改良主义的区别，没有真正理解改良与改良主义的科学涵义。

68. The distinction between these two is great; "improvement" and "improvementism" cannot be equated. "Reform" and "improvement" are synonyms, while "improvement" and "improvementism" are two completely different concepts. Improvement is relative to revolution. Lenin pointed out, "From the Marxist perspective, what does revolution mean? It is the use of violence to smash the outdated political superstructure, that is, to smash the superstructure that must be overthrown at a certain point in time due to contradictions with the new productive relations." ("Selected Works of Lenin" Vol. 1, p. 616) "Revolution is the most fundamental and radical transformation that摧毁s old things, not a careful, slow, gradual transformation of old things, trying to cause as little destruction as possible." ("Selected Works of Lenin" Vol. 4, p. 575) This means that revolution is an intense action by one class to overthrow the rule of another. Improvement, on the other hand, refers to the partial and gradual concessions made by the ruling class to the ruled, while maintaining its rule. "Improvement actions usually progress slowly, cautiously, and gradually" ("Selected Works of Lenin" Vol. 4, p. 576). Stalin also said, "Due to pressure from below, from the masses, the bourgeoisie can sometimes implement certain local improvements while still preserving the foundations of the existing social and economic system. When they act in this way, they believe that these concessions are necessary to preserve their class rule. The essence of improvement lies here. Revolution, however, represents the transfer of power from one class to another. Therefore, any improvement cannot be called revolution." ("Selected Works of Stalin" Vol. 2, p. 366) Without further explanation, the revolutionary mentors have already made it very clear what improvement is. Improvementism, on the other hand, is relative to Marxism. It has specific class essence and characteristics of the era. Improvementism emerged in the late 19th century, during the time of highly developed capitalism and a rapidly developing labor movement. It was a reactionary trend used by the bourgeoisie to counter socialist revolution. As Lenin said in "Imperialism and the Split in the Social Democratic Movement": "Socialism (referring to the ideological system of scientific socialism, that is, Marxism) has grown and has already secured the right to survive in the entire civilized world. Now it is fighting for power; while the bourgeoisie is increasingly decadent, seeing its inevitable downfall, it tries to delay this downfall with half-hearted, false concessions, in order to maintain its power under new conditions." ("Selected Works of Lenin" Vol. 2, p. 403) At this time, the bourgeoisie "does not use liberalism to counter socialism, but uses improvementism to counter socialist revolution." Their slogan is: "Use improvement to counter revolution, use local repairs of the dying system to counter the revolution that overthrows the bourgeoisie's power, to divide and weaken the working class, and to maintain the bourgeoisie's power." (Ibid.) This slogan clearly shows the class essence of improvementism. Due to the influence of bourgeois thought, there have also been the emergence of this reformist trend in the labor movement. Lenin said in "Marxism and Reformism": In the labor movement, "reformism is actually a refusal of Marxism, replacing it with the bourgeois 'social policy'." ("Collected Works of Lenin" Vol. 19, p. 375) Reformists strive to divide and deceive the workers with small favors, so that they do not engage in the struggle to overthrow the bourgeoisie's rule. Like the reformist leader Bernstein, who advocated that "the ultimate goal is insignificant, the movement is everything," they believe that improvement is everything and the ultimate goal is insignificant. In the early 20th century, the liberal bourgeoisie and the Mensheviks within the Russian Social Democratic Party were such reformist factions. It is clear that we cannot call any kind of improvement under any circumstances "improvementism." Furthermore, improvement and improvementism also have fundamental differences in their relationship with revolution. Although improvement and revolution are opposed to each other, there is no insurmountable chasm between them. They can transform into each other under certain conditions. Lenin pointed out in his discussion of the relationship between improvement and revolution: "Before the proletariat wins, improvement is a byproduct of the revolutionary class struggle. After winning, if the winning country, after an extremely intense struggle, is obviously not strong enough to use revolutionary means to implement some kind of transition, then improvement (which is still a 'byproduct' in the international context) is still a necessary and reasonable breathing space." ("Selected Works of Lenin" Vol. 4, p. 581) Lenin also said, "The concept of reform is undoubtedly opposed to the concept of revolution; forgetting this opposition and the boundary between the two concepts will often lead to the most serious errors in all historical inferences. However, this opposition is not absolute, and this boundary is not a dead boundary but a living, variable boundary. We must be good at determining this boundary in every specific case." ("Collected Works of Lenin" Vol. 17, pp. 97-98) Improvement and revolution can transform into each other because they are both forms of movement for the forward development of human society. Although improvement is local, slow, and gradual, it is forward-looking, not backward-looking, and therefore progressive and worthy of praise. Improvement does not exclude revolution. Before the victory of the revolution, it is often a step towards revolution, a forewarning and precursor of the revolution; after the victory of the revolution, it is often a necessary and reasonable breathing space for the revolution. However, improvementism has appeared as an opponent of Marxism from the very beginning and is used by the bourgeoisie to replace socialist revolution. Lenin pointed out, "Improvementism is the deception of the bourgeoisie towards the workers," and "even completely sincere improvementism actually becomes a tool used by the bourgeoisie to corrupt and weaken the workers." ("Collected Works of Lenin" Vol. 19, p. 372) Improvementism "only recognizes improvement and denies revolution" ("Selected Works of Lenin" Vol. 2, p. 406), "using improvement to counter revolution." It has no progressive significance at all and is completely reactionary. Improvementism is an obstacle to revolution. Only by overcoming the influence and trends of improvementism and other bourgeois ideas can the proletariat's revolutionary struggle achieve victory. Because there is an essential distinction between improvement and improvementism, Marxism has a fundamentally different attitude towards them. Marxism advocates revolution but does not categorically oppose improvement. It believes that when revolutionary conditions have not yet matured, one should strive to achieve and make use of improvement, preparing for the revolution in this way; when the revolutionary tide arrives, one should make no hesitation in transforming the struggle for improvement into revolution to overthrow the reactionary rule of the bourgeoisie and win the victory of the socialist revolution. The Russian Marxists have done just that: before the victory of the proletariat's revolution, "in terms of propaganda, agitation, or mass activities in economic matters, etc., Marxists work tirelessly, never missing any opportunity to make use of improvement. At the same time, they not only do not deny but also support and pay attention to the development of any practice that goes beyond the scope of improvementism." ("Collected Works of Lenin" Vol. 19, pp. 374-375) It is especially noteworthy that after the proletariat's power was established in Russia, they also used improvement to develop the economy and build socialism. The famous "New Economic Policy" is a clear proof of this. Marxism has always taken a severe critical attitude towards improvementism. Lenin and the Russian Marxists have conducted a long and unyielding struggle against improvementism. Improvement and improvementism are two entirely different things, and this is very similar to the distinction between experience and empiricism. Experience itself is not a bad thing; "Knowledge begins with experience" ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong" p. 279), "all true knowledge originates from direct experience" (Ibid., p. 276), and the more experience, the better. However, empiricism is harmful, and its error lies in being satisfied with the narrow, subjective experience of an individual, refusing to elevate it to a theory, and mistakenly considering local experience to be universal truth, while downplaying the guiding role of revolutionary theory. The "Four Persons" deliberately confused these two fundamentally different things, shouting about "opposing empiricism" and claiming that the more experience, the more reactionary, using this to attack the vast number of elderly cadres with rich experience. The trick they played in logic was to change the meaning of a concept and confuse right and wrong. Similarly, improvement and improvementism cannot be confused either. If all "improvements" are condemned as "improvementism," it would negate the proletariat's struggle to achieve and make use of improvement, and negate the progressiveness of the historical movement of improvement. This extreme left view is obviously harmful to the revolution. Through all the above, it is not difficult to see that improvement and improvementism are completely two different concepts. If they are confused, it is not only theoretically absurd but also extremely harmful in practice. By clarifying the scientific connotations of reform, improvement, and improvementism, it is easier to see that calling them "improvementist movements" is inappropriate when studying historical events such as the Wuxu Reform. Although the Wuxu Reform did not advocate the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty's rule by the feudal landlord class, it represented the demands of the bourgeoisie and attempted to develop capitalism through top-down political and economic improvements, ultimately transforming the feudal society into a capitalist one. This went beyond the scope of improvementism. Moreover, in terms of historical conditions and class essence, it also had obvious differences from improvementism. Therefore, it should be called a movement of bourgeois improvement. The distinction between Wang Anshi's reforms and improvementism in terms of the characteristics of the era and class essence is even more self-evident. The feudal society of the Northern Song Dynasty can only be said to have just begun to transition to its later stage, far from showing any signs of capitalist embryo or new productive relations and class forces. Therefore, there was no social revolution to destroy the feudal economic structure, nor was there any systematic theory or doctrine about social revolution. Under such historical conditions, it was impossible for the trend of improvementism to emerge. At that time, Wang Anshi represented the reformist forces of the landlord class and implemented a series of improvement measures to adjust certain aspects of the feudal productive relations that were not adapted to the development of productive forces, to mitigate social and class contradictions, to enrich the country and strengthen the military, and to stabilize the rule of the Northern Song Dynasty. This had progressive significance and should be commended. Therefore, it can be seen that Wang Anshi's reforms have no connection with improvementism and should be said to be a movement of the landlord class's improvement. Some comrades, while acknowledging the progressive significance of the improvement measures implemented in Wang Anshi's reforms, finally concluded that "from the perspective of the history of class struggle and the opposition between revolution and improvement, Wang Anshi walked the path of improvementism, and the nature of this reform being improvementist is beyond doubt." We believe that from the perspective of the history of class struggle and the relationship between revolution and improvement, it should be said that Wang Anshi's reforms were a byproduct of the revolutionary class struggle of the peasantry against the landlord class, and had the nature of improvement, which is beyond doubt. These comrades came to the conclusion that Wang Anshi's reforms "had the nature of improvementism" because they obviously ignored the distinction between improvement and improvementism and did not truly understand the scientific connotations of improvement and improvementism.

69. 列宁选集（第一卷），列宁选集（第二卷），列宁选集（第三卷），列宁选集（第四卷），列宁专题文集论辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义。列宁专题文集论马克思主义。列宁专题文集论社会主义。列宁专题文集论资本主义。列宁专题文集论无产阶级政党，关于我们。

69.列宁全集（Volume 1），列宁全集（Volume 2），列宁全集（Volume 3），列宁全集（Volume 4），Lenin's Selected Works on Dialectical Materialism and Historical Materialism. Lenin's Selected Works on Marxism. Lenin's Selected Works on Socialism. Lenin's Selected Works on Capitalism. Lenin's Selected Works on the Proletarian Party, About Us.

70. 列宁，原名弗拉基米尔·伊里奇·乌里扬诺夫，著名的马克思主义者，无产阶级革命家、政治家、理论家、思想家。是苏俄（世界上第一个社会主义国家）和苏联的主要缔造者、布尔什维克党的创始人、十月革命的主要***、苏联人民委员会主席（即苏联总理）。

70. Lenin, born Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, was a prominent Marxist, revolutionary, politician, theorist, and thinker. He was a major founder of the Soviet Russia (the world's first socialist state) and the Soviet Union, the founder of the Bolshevik Party, a leading figure in the October Revolution, and the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (i.e., the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union).

71. 1870年4月22日（俄历4月10日），弗拉基米尔·伊里奇·乌里扬诺夫出生于沙皇俄国伏尔加河畔的辛比尔斯克，列宁是他参加革命后的笔名。1891年，21岁的列宁以校外生的资格通过了彼得堡大学的毕业考试。并被授予优等生毕业文凭。

71. On April 22, 1870 (April 10 according to the Julian calendar), Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov was born in Simbirsk, on the Volga River in the Tsarist Russia, and Lenin was his pen name after he joined the revolution. In 1891, at the age of 21, Lenin passed the graduation examination of St. Petersburg University as an external student and was awarded a first-class graduation diploma.

72. 1892年，他开始组织了当地第一个马克思主义小组，并将《***宣言》译成了俄文，还写下了第一本著作《农民生活中新的经济变动》。1917年11月，列宁领导俄国十月革命取得成功，建立了世界上第一个无产阶级专政的国家。1924年1月21日，列宁在戈尔基村去世，终年53岁。

72. In 1892, he organized the first local Marxist group and translated the Manifesto into Russian, also writing his first book, "New Economic Changes in the Life of the Peasants." In November 1917, Lenin led the successful Russian October Revolution, establishing the first country in the world with a proletarian dictatorship. On January 21, 1924, Lenin passed away in the village of Gorky at the age of 53.

73. 列宁是他参加共产主义运动后的化名，他继承了马克思主义，并与俄国革命相结合形成列宁主义，被全世界的共产主义者普遍认同为“国际无产阶级革命的伟大导师和精神领袖”，同时他是20世纪最有影响力和评价最具争议的人物之一。

73. Lenin was a pseudonym he adopted after joining the communist movement. He inherited Marxism and combined it with the Russian Revolution to form Leninism, which is universally recognized by communists worldwide as the "great teacher and spiritual leader of the international proletariat revolutionary movement." At the same time, he is one of the most influential and most controversial figures of the 20th century.

74. 生活中总有一些女人活得很精致，因为她们努力，她们自信，而有些女人总是自卑，怨天尤人，把生活过得一团糟，可见自信在人们的生活中扮演着多重要的角色。下面要给大家分享的内容是：关于自信的名言 让人了解到自信的重要性，一起来看下吧!

74. There are always some women who live a refined life because they strive hard and are confident, while some women are always self-deprecating, blaming others, and live a chaotic life, which shows how important confidence plays in people's lives. Below, I will share some famous sayings about confidence that will help you understand the significance of confidence. Let's take a look together!

75. 去做你害怕的事，害怕自然就会消逝。罗夫华多爱默生

75. Do the things you fear and fear will disappear naturally. – Ralph Waldo Emerson

76. 有必胜信念的人才能成为战场上的胜利者。希金森

76. It is only those with the belief in victory who can become winners on the battlefield. - Higginson

77. 深窥自己的心，而后发觉一切的奇迹在你自己。培根

77. Look deeply into your own heart and you will discover that all wonders are within yourself. Bacon.

78. 有信心的人，可以化渺小为伟大，化平庸为神奇。萧伯纳

78. A person with confidence can turn the insignificant into the great, and the ordinary into the wonderful. - George Bernard Shaw

79. 坚决的信心，能使平凡的人们，做出惊人的事业。马尔顿

79. Resolute confidence can enable ordinary people to achieve extraordinary undertakings. — Malton

80. 自信与骄傲有异;自信者常沉着，而骄傲者常浮扬。梁启超

80. Confidence is different from arrogance; those with confidence are often calm, whereas those with arrogance are often pompous. — Liang Qichao

81. 强烈的信仰会赢取坚强的人，然后又使他们更坚强。华特贝基霍

81. A strong faith wins over the strong, and then makes them even stronger. Walter Bagehot.